At a recent town hall meeting in Beaumont, Texas, Barack Obama had these words of advice about how parents could improve their children's education: "It's not good enough for you to say to your child, 'Do good in school' and then when that child comes home, you've got the TV set on .... So, turn off the TV set. Put the video game away. Buy a little desk. Or put that child at the kitchen table. Watch them do their homework. If they don't know how to do it, give 'em help. If you don't know how to do it, call the teacher." The sermonic quality of the speech only ballooned, according to this AP blurb I'm reading from the
Sarasota Herald-Tribune, until Obama told the crowd to "settle down."
Obama's advice here has a strangely conservative ring, even though the anonymous AP writer asserts that telling parents to be better parents is a line "Democrats deliver often." Really? Stereotypically, liberals trust institutions and institutional solutions, and conservatives put the burden on individuals and traditional relationships like those found in nuclear families. So what's going on here?
From one standpoint, let's try combining a common criticism of Obama--that he is an unflinchingly orthodox Democrat who has not, despite his florid rhetoric, displayed tremendous creativity or innovativeness as a politician--with his words in Beaumont. Of course the words in Beaumont are, for now, words, not policy. But words matter. And they matter here insofar as they show a side of him that does seem, because it departs with the liberal catechism of not blaming people's laziness, creative. Another criticism of Barack--that he is all Talk Obama and not yet Walk Obama--is applicable to any presidential candidate in the current race. None of them has been president before. The talk of experience as a key qualifier for being president among people who have never been president is, to this degree, specious.
But, it needs to be reiterated, do these Beaumont words from Obama really mean anything? It's hard to say what words will or won't mean anything until someone is actually in office. Maureen Dowd's 17 February column in the
New York Times succinctly dissects this phenomenon:
"Covering seven presidential campaigns has made me realize that when it comes to predicting how presidents will perform, 'nobody knows anything,' as William Goldman said about Hollywood.
"You'd think it would be safe to vote on issues, but politicians often don't feel the need to honor their campaign promises. I covered Bush Senior saying, 'Read my lips: No new taxes.' I also covered him raising taxes and saying, 'Read my hips.' I covered W. promising a humble foreign policy and no nation-building. I also covered the Iraq fiasco.
Voters try to figure out who they trust to have life-and-death power over them, but there's so much theatricality and artificiality in campaigns you can get a false impression of who someone is." (Maureen Dowd, "Captive to History's Caprice,"
New York Times, 17 February 2008).
Per Dowd's wisdom, I should not be swept up by Obama's Beaumont speech, exciting though I find it that an historically down-the-line Democrat is promulgating tougher, more inspirational language, aimed at improving our culture rather than enlarging the government. But if campaigns are so much theatricality--and the event in Beaumont was indeed theatrical, including Obama's plea for an "amen"--where then am I to turn to judge this man? If, as I have already asserted, past experience as a senators or governors or what have you also proffers inadequate criteria for judging how a person would perform as president, am I then left with the very thing that the wonky minutiae of campaigns is supposed to counteract: an attraction to personality?
One of the loftiest challenges for the next US president will be restoring good relations with countries that used to trust us more than they do now. Part of this will have, necessarily, to do with the personality of the next president (avoiding costly wars, isolationist policies on the environment, and various forms of torture might also be helpful). It is not surprising that most Germans I have met since August have not a shred of anything nice to say about George Bush. When pressed, their complaints boil down to foreign policy. Interestingly, though, it is the expression of that foreign policy, the personality with which it is carried out, that so alarms them. They find W. arrogant, brash, uncultured, bafflingly naive for the position that he inhabits. Would the acidic Hillary (who, according to her new ad, wears very nice clothing at 3 am) be able to overcome this impression of the American president, which in many ways seems to have become synecdoche for America itself among the minds of western Europeans? Or could Obama both put a new face on America
and inject new substance into its political arteries?
Considering Dowd's comments, maybe it's best to go for the candidate who seems most likely to react well in moments of uncertainty. Bush's moment of uncertainty was 9/11, and his reaction was, eventually, Iraq. FDR, by contrast, faced the Great Depression, and his response was the New Deal. I'm left wondering which candidate (and I am not here ruling out John McCain) could, in the unexpected hour, have the wisdom and creativity to respond in such a way that not only the response but also its legacy would improve both our nation and the world.